24th June 2026
To my friends in AKSI,
I am a little concerned about the ideas attributed to AKSI in The Malaysian Reserve 17/6/26. Not because they are critical of the PSM, but because those half-truths and misconceptions can lead you into a cul-de-sac both ideologically and organizationally. That would be a tragic waste as there are many in AKSI who are genuinely concerned about the wellbeing of the Marhaen.
You need to look a little more deeply into the term “reformist”. What does it actually mean? If you intervene in a way that brings some material benefit to the oppressed/marginalised group, but does not alter the ownership of the means of production – would you classify that intervention as “reformist”? If you do, then most of the things that the PSM does, is indeed “reformist” – for we have to, initially at least, work within the system to fight back against exploitation and bullying.
When we help a farming community push back against the thugs sent by developers by lodging police reports, arrange lawyer friends to counter eviction proceedings, organize demonstrations to demand that the land remains under cultivation and use the mass media to expose the injustice – all these actions would be classified as “reformist” under the criteria of the previous para. For these actions will not change the system of land ownership or the manner in which land is alienated, or the government. So would you then say it is opportunist and useless? If so, what would you do to respond to the attempts to evict the farmers?
The main issue facing the Left in Malaysia is how to build a people-based mass organization, and a progressive political party. Our experience of 30 years of grassroot and coalition work has led us to the conclusion that we need to go to the ground to mobilise the Marhaen out of their apathy and fear, to stand up for their and other peoples’ rights. Political education is most effective when people start mobilizing to push back against oppression.
Leftists have to be more discerning. So called “Reformist”programs that empower the working people by
– exposing the tie-up between the State and the developers,
– enabling them to resist summary eviction and
– bringing them together as a network of different Marhaen groups
are crucial to the development of class awareness in the Marhaen (who are currently immersed in ethnic politics). This is an essential step in the development of a mass movement that can, over time, challenge a state that is wedded to the economic elite. However, I agree that reformist programs that only aim at arranging better compensation for the marginalized, without mobilizing and educating them politically, disempowers people and keeps them in a state of subjugation and dependency.
So, I would suggest that you need to look more closely at the process before deciding to label a strategy opportunistic and useless.
Coming to our cooperation with MUDA, have you asked yourself – where will we find all the people for the mass movement and political party that we, the Left, need to build? Where are we going to recruit them from? Sure, some will come from the public who have not yet joined any political party. But there are many idealistic people in the existing political parties – a significant number of them got involved in politics because they want a better society for everyone. It would be a big mistake to completely disregard them and alienate them by labelling them. Instead, we should engage with them, and involve them in our on-going struggle to strengthen the welfare net – universal old age pension, 5% of the GDP to the public health care system, moratorium on new private hospitals, etc. Yes, these are all reformist social-democratic demands. But they are also “transitional” demands that can only be met, if more of the income of this country accrues to government than the current 16% of GDP – and this re-distribution of national income will definitely be opposed tooth and nail by the ruling elite. The campaigns around the transitional demands will expose this reality, and there is a probability that some people from other political parties will shift leftwards and gain a more progressive analysis.
Leftists in Malaysia face a choice. You can choose to turun padang, find out the real needs of people and work with them towards addressing these needs. This may lead to “reformist” interventions (as you would still be working within the current system) and it would be your skill as an organiser to use this mobilization to educate the community involved.
The other choice is to remain “pure” and use the keyboard to defend that purity. Then you will be not much different from the dozens of far-left groups in Europe which are “revolutionary” and “pure”, but have remained isolated for decades – with hardly any mass appeal and even less influence on society. This would be a sad waste of your potential!
A final question – if you were the Special Branch – wouldn’t you prefer the leftists who are the purists? For they would not be able to mobilise anyone to challenge the system, but will keep criticizing and undermining groups that are trying to build a progressive alternative for Malaysia.
Do reflect on these issues. Salam Perjuangan!!
Jeyakumar Devaraj
Chairperson
Parti Sosialis Malaysia
24/6/26